Cognitive Practises
The cognitive (praxis) practices of pre-independent movements were formed in relation to these four phases. Each phase had at least two practices, either working together or happening at separate periods in time. The first phase was characterized by violent uprising, legality and physical resistance. The major wars fought between the British and the Asantes, the fight against the poll tax ordinance, and many power contextual factors for example ethnic splits (Akyems in support of the Dutch occupation against the Asantes) that emerged during the period led to the affirmation of the violent uprising strategies adopted by these movements. The Asantes for examples fought at least four separate wars with the British. In some cases, treaties and agreements that carried legal (as agreed to by both parties) backing were signed. The introduction of constitutions and the subsequent powers of the judiciary also highlight the legalistic perspective during the time. The movement intellectual such King Aggrey , J.F Amissah (1865), J, Hutton Brew and F.C Grant employed legal instruments such as petitioning to also shows the legal aspects of movements during the second part of the 18th century (Buah 1998).
Cognitive dimension of movements became explicit even from the very beginning of the movement formation (i.e. that is the first phase). In their actions and struggles, movements were reaffirming as well as creating Ghanaian ideas of freedom and justice, claiming rights to rule in their own land and over their own people. At the same time, they were embodying archetypical indigenous and nationalist beliefs of respect, reconciliation, origin, common destiny, and spirituality (Kimble, 1963). The technical dimension of pre-independent movement’s cognitive practices consisted of the “specific objects of opposition and, even more importantly, the tactics, the techniques of protest, by which those objects are opposed” (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991, p. 123). Several objects of opposition became evident during pre-independent struggles. Before the final defeat of the Asantes, movements’ actions were tailored towards the fight against exploitation, control of local natural resources and the land by the British. The Asantes, advancing their control over the lands through the conquering of other smaller groups came into a fist opposition with the British who also sought control over all the lands and people of Ghana. Knowledge on the exploitation and imperialism created a kind of social and political awareness or identity among the local population, with specific meaning into their daily norms and values. This also explained the vicious and aggressive tactics and repertoires used during this period. The defeat of the Asantes at the Yaa Asantewah war of 1902, and the subsequent introduction of constitutional rule, raised the political consciousness of the local people and changed the object of opposition. Now, freedom from British rule, self-governance, and anti-nationalism became the object of opposition. The change in object of opposition therefore resulted in a change of repertoires and tactics. Less violence and diplomacy became instrumental in movements activities during this period. Central to the cognitive practice of pre-independent movements were the techniques of positive action (sit-down strikes), wars, direct action, spirituality (belief and action embedded in the essence of a supreme power and the need for community and interconnectedness), diplomacy and forceful resistance. Unlike the civil rights movement in America that upheld a nonviolent technique as part of its cognitive practice, pre-independent movements in Ghana adopted any and all techniques required, based on prevailing historical and political circumstance. Some of these practices were systematically and professionally taught by movement intellectuals. War tactics and skills were specifically taught “the intellectuals” or professional trained in war fare strategies. Nkrumah, J.B Danquah and the rest of the nationalists who led pre-independent movements had acquired knowledge and experience from their schooling in Europe, hence could organize protest, demonstrations and used in some cases legal tactics/repertoires to fight for their rights.
Multivariate actions were used as tactics by pre-independent movements in their movement-building phase. Movements that emerged during the initial resistance periods of British imperialism and exploitation were mostly violent in nature. Politically, as well as military wise, the advances and interest shown the by the British to control the Gold Coast (now Ghana), became a formidable opposition to Asantes quest for expansion. With its military strength and achievements, the Asantes saw a direct, violent confrontation as the best action; hence, the vicious resistance that climaxed phase one of movement building. However, with the defeat of the Asantes, the subsequent annexation of the Asantes Kingdom to the British colony, and the seemingly sophisticated nature of British leadership style (as compared to the less bureaucratic chieftaincy structure), less violent approach was adopted by movement after 1916. The shooting of the ex-service men on February 28th 1948 (phase three), and subsequent riots and disturbances after TUC and CPP leader were imprisoned (phase 4) produced a less violence but a general strike actions by the populations and workers respectively. Historically, democratic governance, had gain much prominence the world over as result of the defeat of communism with the demise of the Soviet Union in the Second World War.
One other interesting event was the group integration that took place during the period. Shared political and historical interests’ transformed these groups of individuals into social movements with a different meaning or consciousness. For example activists from smaller movements such as the Asante Youth Society (AYS) joined the CPP’s positive action, strikes, boycotts and aggressive demands for independence, though some of these resulted in jail terms, and even deaths. These smaller groups joined the CPP because the knowledge produced from the CPP movement opens up new conceptual spaces from which they could easily identify themselves. The plurality of identities forming the CPP, especially of culture shaped the leadership style, governance, resource mobilization, repertoires and tactics. Like the civil movement in America, the immediate need for self-governance was based on a kind of personal and national politics where putting your body on the line was a taken-for-granted symbol of commitment. These activists risked danger, injury, and even death in putting their beliefs into practice.
The cognitive practice of the pre-independent movement in Ghana also had organisational, emotional and social dimensions, a structure or form that became characteristics of the period. This structure was repeatedly revealed in the different forms of resistance: strikes, boycotts, freedom walks, religious acclamation, ethnocentrism, political rhetoric, mass protests and larger political efforts to spread the message and to involve whole communities, especially the uneducated in the struggles for independence. What pre-independent movements represented, on this organizational dimension, was the innovation of organized mass actions and variance protests, an innovation that would characterized post independent student, political, and social movements (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991). Socially, the multicultural, multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic nature of the Ghanaian landscape had a strong impact on pre-independent movements’ cognitive practice. Initial movements were ethnically based and sought for changes that directly affected particular individuals belonging to the group. This structure translated into later, post-independent movements, especially political movements. The structural shift in power, economy, cultural and political relationships among the various ethnic groups conditioned the social cognitive practice among movements. Independent struggle movements served as training grounds for raising national consciousness, political commitment, cultural awareness, communal unity. The Ghanaian culture carried movements’ momentum through the period. The culture apparatus “consist of a multiplicity of cultural and ideational elements which include beliefs, ceremonies, artistic forms and informal practices such as language, conversation, stories, daily ritual” (Swindler, 1986, p. 273). Like the civil rights movements, pre-independent movements in involved much more than collective behaviour and resources mobilization. It embodied the very essence of living for some individual involved, and crystallized the history of Ghanaians, which first took a form at the micro organization (family, and ethnic groups) of movement organization, and then diffused into the macro level (inter-regional movements) and eventually into a national organization and national culture (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991).