Cognitive Practices among Pre-Independent Movements: The Four
Phases
In this part of the work, we hope to contextualize the cognitive
practices among pre-independent movements in Ghana. It is important to
note that cognitive practices of pre-independent movements developed
over time; from the defeat of the Ashantis in the Yaa Asantewaah war of
1901, to the subsequent “annexing either by force or through what were
described as treaties of friendship and protection in the early 1920’s”
(Buah, 1998, p.v). Over a hundred years of relations between indigenous
Ghanaians and the Portuguese, Dutch and
British witnessed the emergence and development of human and resource
knowledge, meaning, rules, and reflexive moments, that sought to mediate
relations between these groups. The period boasts of a rich history of
movements that created a form of social and cultural identity. We have
divided the histories into four parts: the first part is the “period of
the loss of independence of various ethnic groups and states”; the
second period is the “first generation struggles” the third period is
the “second generation struggles” and the last is the “third
generation struggles” against British Colonial rule.
The first period - the loss of independence of various groups could be
traced back to the first half of the fifteenth century with the arrival
of the Portuguese explorers on the Coast of Guinea. We describe this
period as the “movements of war and resistance” era. This era was
characterized by uprising and physical opposition to European presence
(Buah, 1998). Before this period, Africans along the (present ) were
composed of self independent nations and ethnic groups. Inhabitants were
mainly “distinguished largely by language and, to a lesser degree, by
their political, social and other cultural institutions” (Buah, 1998,
p.3). These societies had complex and well organized social and
political institutions, evident in traditions such as marriage,
childbirth and puberty rites, funerals and inheritance, religious
practices, social classes and independent states organization (Wilks, I.
(1975, Buah, 1998). Economically, pre-colonial societies were involved
in four main activities: agriculture, hunting and fishing, a variety of
manufacturing and trade (Buah, 1998). By1471, the Portuguese had managed
to reach the Gold Coast (modern ). The Portuguese were followed by the
Dutch and later the English (). These explorers, mostly traders dealing
in gold, spices, slaves, ivory and other commodities, began a process
that could be described as the “gate” to losing one’s, culture,
language, and resources (basically, it is the loss of independence). To
secure their control over resources and the people, Europeans,
especially the British, first, started forming alliances with particular
ethnic groups along the coast especially the Fantes. Locals in alliances
were enrolled in formal education schools (the earliest dates back to
1529 by the Portuguese) which was considered superior to local artisan
and apprenticeship training that the indigenous were familiar with.
Secondly, locals along the coast were made middle men between merchants
from the interior and the British merchants along the coast. This
reduced the bargaining power of merchants especially from the interior.
Christianity was also introduced among the locals and had a profound
effect on their relations especially with the chiefs who were considered
the spiritual heads and representative of the divine.
These concerns transformed the individual ethnic groups into social
movements that gave them their particular meaning or consciousness. It
was therefore not a surprise that in no time, many uprisings resulted in
wars between the British who wanted control over the whole colony (Gold
Coast) with the support from some Fantes and other ethnic groups as
allies, against the Asantes who had control over major parts of the
interior and had the persistent desire to expand their empire. The
Asantes especially, saw the actions of the British as acts of slavery
and usurpation. These confrontations were the results of complex pattern
of events and circumstances (Buah, 1998, Agyeman et al, 2008, Edgerton,
1995). The first war, fought between 1823 and 1831 saw the British and
its allied forces suffering a big defeat at the hands of the Asantes.
The second war, 1863-1864, ended an impasse. By 1874, when the third war
ended in a peace-treaty, the British had claimed the rest of the Gold
Coast as a Crown Colony, with as its capital from 1877. The fourth war
was fought 1894-1896 (Lloyd, 1964, Edgerton, 1995). The defeat of the
Asantes in the Yaa Asantewah war of 1901 probably ended the first phase
of social movements uprising in the Gold Coast as Asante was annexed as
a British Colony in 1902 (Boahen, 2000; Agyeman et al, 2008, Edgerton,
1995). In this war, Nana Yaa Asantewah, a Queen Mother at Adwesu, defied
all odds and led an army of warriors against the British who wanted to
take away the Golden Stool. Though defeated in the battle, substantial
damage was done to the British army by the Asante warriors. This action
came to serve as a source of inspiration for later nationalist like
Kwame Nkrumah, J.B. Danquah, Ebenezer Ako-Adjei, Edward Akufo-Addo,
Emmanuel Obetsebi-Lamptey and William Ofori who are regarded as the
pioneers of freedom movements in Ghana. In other words, her action
became an ‘artefact’ that was later used to support organizing
activities.
In their resistance to British usurpation during this period, movements
articulated economic and political knowledge evident in three separate
movement actions. These different relations to the knowledge of British
exploitation differentiates one movement form the other. Whiles some
movements saw the usurpation as a political concern, others were much
interested in the economic consequence. First, there was the movement
against the Poll Tax Ordinance f 1852 by Ghanaians in the south. This
tax levied on the people was rejected (refused to pay) because it was
not approved in consultation with the people. Mass protest and violent
resistance were mounted in the south, where locals voiced their concerns
to the colonial office. These actions resulted in the “natural death”
of the tax scheme (Buah, 1998). Secondly, there was the formation of the
Fante Confederation as a movement against the exchange of territories
and possession on the coast between the British and the Dutch in 1867.
The confederation became the official mouth piece for locals along the
coast, organizing protests, rallies and speaking against British
inability to protect them from the Asantes, and the abuse of rights of
the people against an earlier commitment against that in 1865 by the
British. (Buah, 1998; McCarthy, 1983). As early as 1868, when the Dutch
resorted to force to coerce the people of Komenda and Dixcove to submit
to their authority, some other states in the south assembled at Mankesim
to form a union movement against the foreigners’ oppression. They also
outlined detail a program of political, social and economic developments
for their land in case they break free from the Dutch (Buah, 1998). The
third wave of movement witnessed the formation of the Aborigines’ Rights
Protection Society in 1897 to protest the control and alienation of
lands by the British. This movement was formed from the carcass of the
Fante confederation. The formation of the Fante Confederation and the
Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society (ARPS) marked a new phase in
pre-independent movements as it led to the rise of a new generation of
nationalist activities into the developing movement. This period also
produced and shifted the strategic focus of movements’ knowledge and
actions from war resistance towards a diplomatic orientation.
The second generation of struggles (1905-1945) against British Colonial
rule was marked by the continuation of moves by other movements fighting
for independence within . Second generation struggle movements were
characterized by formal (Europeanised style) politics and “elites
intellectualization” of movement actions. Why do I say this? With the
defeat of the Asantes, the British had total control over the lands and
people of the Gold
Coast. The British were now administering the Gold Coast as a colony of
Britain; hence any
group or movement was required to work within British laws. Locals were
coerced to organize themselves into groups with formal representation
before they could be heard or speak. Grievances were now heard at courts
of law and magistrates instead of the chiefs’ palaces. Leaders of
movements (educated intellectuals), who were formally educated in
Britain such as John Mensah Sarbah and others, were regarded as the face
of movements. They had become the acceptable face and voice of social
change. Even though, movements’ activists at the grassroots also
contributed to the shaping of cognitive practices, these elites became
the organizers, leaders, spokespersons and known face. This exemplifies
Gramsci argument that all activists are intellectuals (because their
activism contributes to cognitive practices of the movement); however,
not all activists have the function of intellectuals in social movements
(see Eyerman and Jamison, p.94). In this instance, the educated elites
in the Gold Coast became the face of social movement intellectuals. This
period also witnessed a rise in literacy and some appointments to the
civil service. This period was also characterized by many internal
rumbling and discord among the leadership of the various movements.
Politically, between 1916 and 1950, the British introduced several
constitutions (1916 Clifford Constitution, 1925 Guggisberg Constitution,
and 1946 Allan Burns Constitution) (Awoonor, 1990, Buah, 1998, Kimble
1965) which were vehemently opposed by the locals. The Asante Kotoko
Union Society, a movement that advocated for a new national educational
policy with a focus on Agriculture and industrial training was formed in
1916. The National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) led by
Casely-Hayford became the legitimate successor of (ARPS) by 1913
(Awoonor, 1990). A rivalry between Casely-Hayford and the ARPS over
donation to the British war efforts against resulted in the creation of
this movement. This left African intellectuals quarrelling among
themselves as they saw Casely-Hayford’s action as a betrayal. The NCBWA
which was mostly constituted of British trained intellectuals demanded
for immediate constitutional reforms, a House of Assembly, and an
electoral system supplemented by a system of nomination in central and
local governments in the Gold Coast. These movements challenged
political system imposed by the British and contributed in raising
political consciousness among the local population.
By 1947, events of great moment grinded political consciousness and
changed the phase of social movements. These events, apparent in several
political, social, economic events which are discussed in subsequent
paragraphs, changed the assumptions many Ghanaians had on the
superiority of the Colonial masters’. The awakening to none superior
nature of the colonial master, ushered most Ghanaians social movements
into the third phase - that is the “second generation struggles”
against British Colonial rule. Notably among these events was the Second
World War (1938-1945). Many young Ghanaians were recruited, to serve in
Burma or the Middle East. During these wars, some African soldiers were
shocked of screens of “white” soldiers dying like fellow black
soldiers. The myth of the “god” nature of the white man was broken.
Furthermore, the over fifty thousand soldiers returned home to meet a
trifling discharge settlement (Awoonor, 1990). The discontent of these
ex-servicemen provided a vital fuel for later actions of pre-independent
movements. Secondly, most Ghanaians had grown “discontent about the
tightening stranglehold of the British and other European merchants on
the economic life of the people” (Awoonor, 1990, p.134). In their
desire to monopolize and control African business pretentions, the
British formed the Association of West African Merchants under the
leadership of the United Africa Company. This group controlled and
enjoyed preferential treatment from the colonial administration in
matters of price manipulation and licence allocation. This action
angered local merchants as the production systems became undermined,
destroyed and rendered irrelevant their roles. Politically, the 1946
Burns Constitution did not meet the aspirations of Ghanaian especially
the elites. The 1946 constitution neglected calls to have more educated
elites on the executive and legislative council. The chiefs rather
maintained a disproportionate volume of power. Most people became
suspicions of the chieftaincy institutions because of the way they had
become tools in British hands. To the ordinary people, more educated
elites on governing councils meant a faster ride towards independence.
It is against this background that we need to examine the cognitive
practices among pre-independent social movements and organizations in
Ghana. The analysis of the historical, political, social, and relations
of knowledge production, which developed during pre-independent
struggles offer a better examination of the different social movements
that developed during the period. The demise of the NCBWA and ARPS
signified the resurrection of a united front of the educated in the
fight for independence. The movement for “self-government” was born
for the first time in Ghana. The United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC)
became the first “political” movement in Gold Coast. It primary aim
was “to ensure that by legitimate and constitutional means the
direction and control of government should pass into the hands of the
people and their chiefs in the shortest possible time” (Awoonor, 1990,
p.136). UGCC understood itself as a nationalist movement not a political
party though it later transformed itself into a political party. The
UGCC by this stand opened up new conceptual spaces for other movements
to think about social change. The third generation of struggles lasted
till 12th June 1949, when a new phase of movement
building begun with the establishment of the Convention Peoples’ Party
(CPP) out of the youth wing (Convention Youth Organization) of the UGCC.
This movement was led by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The creation of the CPP
marked a new phase in pre-independent movements for a number of reasons.
First, it brought in a new generation of the masses and uneducated into
the struggles. Secondly, it shifted the strategic focus from
independence in the “shortest possible time” to “independence now”.
In other words, it shifted focus from a more diplomatic, defensive
direction to a more offensive and direct orientation. The calling out
for a “positive action” in the form of a general strike in December
1949 and January 1950 by the Trade Union Congress further changed the
phase of pre-independent movements in . This raised consciousness
especially among the colonial masters on the power of the local leaders
and movements. The subsequent arrest and imprisonment of the TUC and the
CPP leaders threw the whole country in a state of confusion and uprising
that ultimately forced Britain to accept Ghana independence on the
6th of March 1957.