Cognitive Practises
The cognitive (praxis) practices of pre-independent movements were
formed in relation to these four phases. Each phase had at least two
practices, either working together or happening at separate periods in
time. The first phase was characterized by violent uprising, legality
and physical resistance. The major wars fought between the British and
the Asantes, the fight against the poll tax ordinance, and many power
contextual factors for example ethnic splits (Akyems in support of the
Dutch occupation against the Asantes) that emerged during the period led
to the affirmation of the violent uprising strategies adopted by these
movements. The Asantes for examples fought at least four separate wars
with the British. In some cases, treaties and agreements that carried
legal (as agreed to by both parties) backing were signed. The
introduction of constitutions and the subsequent powers of the judiciary
also highlight the legalistic perspective during the time. The movement
intellectual such King Aggrey , J.F Amissah (1865), J, Hutton Brew and
F.C Grant employed legal instruments such as petitioning to also shows
the legal aspects of movements during the second part of the
18th century (Buah 1998).
Cognitive dimension of movements became explicit even from the very
beginning of the movement formation (i.e. that is the first phase). In
their actions and struggles, movements were reaffirming as well as
creating Ghanaian ideas of freedom and justice, claiming rights to rule
in their own land and over their own people. At the same time, they were
embodying archetypical indigenous and nationalist beliefs of respect,
reconciliation, origin, common destiny, and spirituality (Kimble, 1963).
The technical dimension of pre-independent movement’s cognitive
practices consisted of the “specific objects of opposition and, even
more importantly, the tactics, the techniques of protest, by which those
objects are opposed” (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991, p. 123). Several
objects of opposition became evident during pre-independent struggles.
Before the final defeat of the Asantes, movements’ actions were tailored
towards the fight against exploitation, control of local natural
resources and the land by the British. The Asantes, advancing their
control over the lands through the conquering of other smaller groups
came into a fist opposition with the British who also sought control
over all the lands and people of Ghana. Knowledge on the exploitation
and imperialism created a kind of social and political awareness or
identity among the local population, with specific meaning into their
daily norms and values. This also explained the vicious and aggressive
tactics and repertoires used during this period. The defeat of the
Asantes at the Yaa Asantewah war of 1902, and the subsequent
introduction of constitutional rule, raised the political consciousness
of the local people and changed the object of opposition. Now, freedom
from British rule, self-governance, and anti-nationalism became the
object of opposition. The change in object of opposition therefore
resulted in a change of repertoires and tactics. Less violence and
diplomacy became instrumental in movements activities during this
period. Central to the cognitive practice of pre-independent movements
were the techniques of positive action (sit-down strikes), wars, direct
action, spirituality (belief and action embedded in the essence of a
supreme power and the need for community and interconnectedness),
diplomacy and forceful resistance. Unlike the civil rights movement in
America that upheld a nonviolent technique as part of its cognitive
practice, pre-independent movements in Ghana adopted any and all
techniques required, based on prevailing historical and political
circumstance. Some of these practices were systematically and
professionally taught by movement intellectuals. War tactics and skills
were specifically taught “the intellectuals” or professional trained
in war fare strategies. Nkrumah, J.B Danquah and the rest of the
nationalists who led pre-independent movements had acquired knowledge
and experience from their schooling in Europe, hence could organize
protest, demonstrations and used in some cases legal tactics/repertoires
to fight for their rights.
Multivariate actions were used as tactics by pre-independent movements
in their movement-building phase. Movements that emerged during the
initial resistance periods of British imperialism and exploitation were
mostly violent in nature. Politically, as well as military wise, the
advances and interest shown the by the British to control the Gold Coast
(now Ghana), became a formidable opposition to Asantes quest for
expansion. With its military strength and achievements, the Asantes saw
a direct, violent confrontation as the best action; hence, the vicious
resistance that climaxed phase one of movement building. However, with
the defeat of the Asantes, the subsequent annexation of the Asantes
Kingdom to the British colony, and the seemingly sophisticated nature of
British leadership style (as compared to the less bureaucratic
chieftaincy structure), less violent approach was adopted by movement
after 1916. The shooting of the ex-service men on February
28th 1948 (phase three), and subsequent riots and
disturbances after TUC and CPP leader were imprisoned (phase 4) produced
a less violence but a general strike actions by the populations and
workers respectively. Historically, democratic governance, had gain much
prominence the world over as result of the defeat of communism with the
demise of the Soviet Union in the Second World War.
One other interesting event was the group integration that took place
during the period. Shared political and historical interests’
transformed these groups of individuals into social movements with a
different meaning or consciousness. For example activists from smaller
movements such as the Asante Youth Society (AYS) joined the CPP’s
positive action, strikes, boycotts and aggressive demands for
independence, though some of these resulted in jail terms, and even
deaths. These smaller groups joined the CPP because the knowledge
produced from the CPP movement opens up new conceptual spaces from which
they could easily identify themselves. The plurality of identities
forming the CPP, especially of culture shaped the leadership style,
governance, resource mobilization, repertoires and tactics. Like the
civil movement in America, the immediate need for self-governance was
based on a kind of personal and national politics where putting your
body on the line was a taken-for-granted symbol of commitment. These
activists risked danger, injury, and even death in putting their beliefs
into practice.
The cognitive practice of the pre-independent movement in Ghana also had
organisational, emotional and social dimensions, a structure or form
that became characteristics of the period. This structure was repeatedly
revealed in the different forms of resistance: strikes, boycotts,
freedom walks, religious acclamation, ethnocentrism, political rhetoric,
mass protests and larger political efforts to spread the message and to
involve whole communities, especially the uneducated in the struggles
for independence. What pre-independent movements represented, on this
organizational dimension, was the innovation of organized mass actions
and variance protests, an innovation that would characterized post
independent student, political, and social movements (Eyerman and
Jamison, 1991). Socially, the multicultural, multi-ethnic and
multi-linguistic nature of the Ghanaian landscape had a strong impact on
pre-independent movements’ cognitive practice. Initial movements were
ethnically based and sought for changes that directly affected
particular individuals belonging to the group. This structure translated
into later, post-independent movements, especially political movements.
The structural shift in power, economy, cultural and political
relationships among the various ethnic groups conditioned the social
cognitive practice among movements. Independent struggle movements
served as training grounds for raising national consciousness, political
commitment, cultural awareness, communal unity. The Ghanaian culture
carried movements’ momentum through the period. The culture apparatus
“consist of a multiplicity of cultural and ideational elements which
include beliefs, ceremonies, artistic forms and informal practices such
as language, conversation, stories, daily ritual” (Swindler, 1986, p.
273). Like the civil rights movements, pre-independent movements in
involved much more than collective behaviour and resources mobilization.
It embodied the very essence of living for some individual involved, and
crystallized the history of Ghanaians, which first took a form at the
micro organization (family, and ethnic groups) of movement organization,
and then diffused into the macro level (inter-regional movements) and
eventually into a national organization and national culture (Eyerman
and Jamison, 1991).