Cognitive Practices among Pre-Independent Movements: The Four Phases
In this part of the work, we hope to contextualize the cognitive practices among pre-independent movements in Ghana. It is important to note that cognitive practices of pre-independent movements developed over time; from the defeat of the Ashantis in the Yaa Asantewaah war of 1901, to the subsequent “annexing either by force or through what were described as treaties of friendship and protection in the early 1920’s” (Buah, 1998, p.v). Over a hundred years of relations between indigenous Ghanaians and the Portuguese, Dutch and
British witnessed the emergence and development of human and resource knowledge, meaning, rules, and reflexive moments, that sought to mediate relations between these groups. The period boasts of a rich history of movements that created a form of social and cultural identity. We have divided the histories into four parts: the first part is the “period of the loss of independence of various ethnic groups and states”; the second period is the “first generation struggles” the third period is the “second generation struggles” and the last is the “third generation struggles” against British Colonial rule.
The first period - the loss of independence of various groups could be traced back to the first half of the fifteenth century with the arrival of the Portuguese explorers on the Coast of Guinea. We describe this period as the “movements of war and resistance” era. This era was characterized by uprising and physical opposition to European presence (Buah, 1998). Before this period, Africans along the (present ) were composed of self independent nations and ethnic groups. Inhabitants were mainly “distinguished largely by language and, to a lesser degree, by their political, social and other cultural institutions” (Buah, 1998, p.3). These societies had complex and well organized social and political institutions, evident in traditions such as marriage, childbirth and puberty rites, funerals and inheritance, religious practices, social classes and independent states organization (Wilks, I. (1975, Buah, 1998). Economically, pre-colonial societies were involved in four main activities: agriculture, hunting and fishing, a variety of manufacturing and trade (Buah, 1998). By1471, the Portuguese had managed to reach the Gold Coast (modern ). The Portuguese were followed by the Dutch and later the English (). These explorers, mostly traders dealing in gold, spices, slaves, ivory and other commodities, began a process that could be described as the “gate” to losing one’s, culture, language, and resources (basically, it is the loss of independence). To secure their control over resources and the people, Europeans, especially the British, first, started forming alliances with particular ethnic groups along the coast especially the Fantes. Locals in alliances were enrolled in formal education schools (the earliest dates back to 1529 by the Portuguese) which was considered superior to local artisan and apprenticeship training that the indigenous were familiar with. Secondly, locals along the coast were made middle men between merchants from the interior and the British merchants along the coast. This reduced the bargaining power of merchants especially from the interior. Christianity was also introduced among the locals and had a profound effect on their relations especially with the chiefs who were considered the spiritual heads and representative of the divine.
These concerns transformed the individual ethnic groups into social movements that gave them their particular meaning or consciousness. It was therefore not a surprise that in no time, many uprisings resulted in wars between the British who wanted control over the whole colony (Gold Coast) with the support from some Fantes and other ethnic groups as allies, against the Asantes who had control over major parts of the interior and had the persistent desire to expand their empire. The Asantes especially, saw the actions of the British as acts of slavery and usurpation. These confrontations were the results of complex pattern of events and circumstances (Buah, 1998, Agyeman et al, 2008, Edgerton, 1995). The first war, fought between 1823 and 1831 saw the British and its allied forces suffering a big defeat at the hands of the Asantes. The second war, 1863-1864, ended an impasse. By 1874, when the third war ended in a peace-treaty, the British had claimed the rest of the Gold Coast as a Crown Colony, with as its capital from 1877. The fourth war was fought 1894-1896 (Lloyd, 1964, Edgerton, 1995). The defeat of the Asantes in the Yaa Asantewah war of 1901 probably ended the first phase of social movements uprising in the Gold Coast as Asante was annexed as a British Colony in 1902 (Boahen, 2000; Agyeman et al, 2008, Edgerton, 1995). In this war, Nana Yaa Asantewah, a Queen Mother at Adwesu, defied all odds and led an army of warriors against the British who wanted to take away the Golden Stool. Though defeated in the battle, substantial damage was done to the British army by the Asante warriors. This action came to serve as a source of inspiration for later nationalist like Kwame Nkrumah, J.B. Danquah, Ebenezer Ako-Adjei, Edward Akufo-Addo, Emmanuel Obetsebi-Lamptey and William Ofori who are regarded as the pioneers of freedom movements in Ghana. In other words, her action became an ‘artefact’ that was later used to support organizing activities.
In their resistance to British usurpation during this period, movements articulated economic and political knowledge evident in three separate movement actions. These different relations to the knowledge of British exploitation differentiates one movement form the other. Whiles some movements saw the usurpation as a political concern, others were much interested in the economic consequence. First, there was the movement against the Poll Tax Ordinance f 1852 by Ghanaians in the south. This tax levied on the people was rejected (refused to pay) because it was not approved in consultation with the people. Mass protest and violent resistance were mounted in the south, where locals voiced their concerns to the colonial office. These actions resulted in the “natural death” of the tax scheme (Buah, 1998). Secondly, there was the formation of the Fante Confederation as a movement against the exchange of territories and possession on the coast between the British and the Dutch in 1867. The confederation became the official mouth piece for locals along the coast, organizing protests, rallies and speaking against British inability to protect them from the Asantes, and the abuse of rights of the people against an earlier commitment against that in 1865 by the British. (Buah, 1998; McCarthy, 1983). As early as 1868, when the Dutch resorted to force to coerce the people of Komenda and Dixcove to submit to their authority, some other states in the south assembled at Mankesim to form a union movement against the foreigners’ oppression. They also outlined detail a program of political, social and economic developments for their land in case they break free from the Dutch (Buah, 1998). The third wave of movement witnessed the formation of the Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society in 1897 to protest the control and alienation of lands by the British. This movement was formed from the carcass of the Fante confederation. The formation of the Fante Confederation and the Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society (ARPS) marked a new phase in pre-independent movements as it led to the rise of a new generation of nationalist activities into the developing movement. This period also produced and shifted the strategic focus of movements’ knowledge and actions from war resistance towards a diplomatic orientation.
The second generation of struggles (1905-1945) against British Colonial rule was marked by the continuation of moves by other movements fighting for independence within . Second generation struggle movements were characterized by formal (Europeanised style) politics and “elites intellectualization” of movement actions. Why do I say this? With the defeat of the Asantes, the British had total control over the lands and people of the Gold
Coast. The British were now administering the Gold Coast as a colony of Britain; hence any
group or movement was required to work within British laws. Locals were coerced to organize themselves into groups with formal representation before they could be heard or speak. Grievances were now heard at courts of law and magistrates instead of the chiefs’ palaces. Leaders of movements (educated intellectuals), who were formally educated in Britain such as John Mensah Sarbah and others, were regarded as the face of movements. They had become the acceptable face and voice of social change. Even though, movements’ activists at the grassroots also contributed to the shaping of cognitive practices, these elites became the organizers, leaders, spokespersons and known face. This exemplifies Gramsci argument that all activists are intellectuals (because their activism contributes to cognitive practices of the movement); however, not all activists have the function of intellectuals in social movements (see Eyerman and Jamison, p.94). In this instance, the educated elites in the Gold Coast became the face of social movement intellectuals. This period also witnessed a rise in literacy and some appointments to the civil service. This period was also characterized by many internal rumbling and discord among the leadership of the various movements. Politically, between 1916 and 1950, the British introduced several constitutions (1916 Clifford Constitution, 1925 Guggisberg Constitution, and 1946 Allan Burns Constitution) (Awoonor, 1990, Buah, 1998, Kimble 1965) which were vehemently opposed by the locals. The Asante Kotoko Union Society, a movement that advocated for a new national educational policy with a focus on Agriculture and industrial training was formed in 1916. The National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) led by Casely-Hayford became the legitimate successor of (ARPS) by 1913 (Awoonor, 1990). A rivalry between Casely-Hayford and the ARPS over donation to the British war efforts against resulted in the creation of this movement. This left African intellectuals quarrelling among themselves as they saw Casely-Hayford’s action as a betrayal. The NCBWA which was mostly constituted of British trained intellectuals demanded for immediate constitutional reforms, a House of Assembly, and an electoral system supplemented by a system of nomination in central and local governments in the Gold Coast. These movements challenged political system imposed by the British and contributed in raising political consciousness among the local population.
By 1947, events of great moment grinded political consciousness and changed the phase of social movements. These events, apparent in several political, social, economic events which are discussed in subsequent paragraphs, changed the assumptions many Ghanaians had on the superiority of the Colonial masters’. The awakening to none superior nature of the colonial master, ushered most Ghanaians social movements into the third phase - that is the “second generation struggles” against British Colonial rule. Notably among these events was the Second World War (1938-1945). Many young Ghanaians were recruited, to serve in Burma or the Middle East. During these wars, some African soldiers were shocked of screens of “white” soldiers dying like fellow black soldiers. The myth of the “god” nature of the white man was broken. Furthermore, the over fifty thousand soldiers returned home to meet a trifling discharge settlement (Awoonor, 1990). The discontent of these ex-servicemen provided a vital fuel for later actions of pre-independent movements. Secondly, most Ghanaians had grown “discontent about the tightening stranglehold of the British and other European merchants on the economic life of the people” (Awoonor, 1990, p.134). In their desire to monopolize and control African business pretentions, the British formed the Association of West African Merchants under the leadership of the United Africa Company. This group controlled and enjoyed preferential treatment from the colonial administration in matters of price manipulation and licence allocation. This action angered local merchants as the production systems became undermined, destroyed and rendered irrelevant their roles. Politically, the 1946 Burns Constitution did not meet the aspirations of Ghanaian especially the elites. The 1946 constitution neglected calls to have more educated elites on the executive and legislative council. The chiefs rather maintained a disproportionate volume of power. Most people became suspicions of the chieftaincy institutions because of the way they had become tools in British hands. To the ordinary people, more educated elites on governing councils meant a faster ride towards independence.
It is against this background that we need to examine the cognitive practices among pre-independent social movements and organizations in Ghana. The analysis of the historical, political, social, and relations of knowledge production, which developed during pre-independent struggles offer a better examination of the different social movements that developed during the period. The demise of the NCBWA and ARPS signified the resurrection of a united front of the educated in the fight for independence. The movement for “self-government” was born for the first time in Ghana. The United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) became the first “political” movement in Gold Coast. It primary aim was “to ensure that by legitimate and constitutional means the direction and control of government should pass into the hands of the people and their chiefs in the shortest possible time” (Awoonor, 1990, p.136). UGCC understood itself as a nationalist movement not a political party though it later transformed itself into a political party. The UGCC by this stand opened up new conceptual spaces for other movements to think about social change. The third generation of struggles lasted till 12th June 1949, when a new phase of movement building begun with the establishment of the Convention Peoples’ Party (CPP) out of the youth wing (Convention Youth Organization) of the UGCC. This movement was led by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The creation of the CPP marked a new phase in pre-independent movements for a number of reasons. First, it brought in a new generation of the masses and uneducated into the struggles. Secondly, it shifted the strategic focus from independence in the “shortest possible time” to “independence now”. In other words, it shifted focus from a more diplomatic, defensive direction to a more offensive and direct orientation. The calling out for a “positive action” in the form of a general strike in December 1949 and January 1950 by the Trade Union Congress further changed the phase of pre-independent movements in . This raised consciousness especially among the colonial masters on the power of the local leaders and movements. The subsequent arrest and imprisonment of the TUC and the CPP leaders threw the whole country in a state of confusion and uprising that ultimately forced Britain to accept Ghana independence on the 6th of March 1957.