Introduction
The total well-being of man has been centered on his need to be in
safety and security. Security of life and property has been man’s
paramount desire and need. Thus, no matter how affluent a man may be the
consolidation of his riches and wealth revolves around his state of
tranquility or security – freedom from fear, harm or threat of
violence. Societies have always planned and managed their own security
for their well-being and ensure that any threat to their survival was
dealt with decisively. Omotosho and Aderinto (2012) contend that from
time immemorial, people evolved ways to ensure their safety and
wellbeing against criminal activities and violence within the society.
However, with the inception of colonialism in our political governance,
formal social control was introduced. The colonial government assumed
full responsibility of ensuring law and order through effective crime
control mechanisms operated by the state law enforcement agencies. The
colonial police replaced the traditional social control groups. But the
colonial police or the native authority police became instruments of
force and violence in the hands of colonial authorities. As a result,
violent crime, terrorism, fear and insecurity emerged with impunity
because the colonial government instead of maintaining law and order
became instruments of repression, exploitation and oppression which
adversely affected the people (Ikuteyijo, 2009; Oyeniyi, 2007)
The exit of colonial authority did not make matters better as the
neo-colonialists took on the same impunity of creating fear and
insecurity in the minds of citizens instead of protecting them.
Consequently, Nigeria witnessed, and continuous to witness, a steady
increase in crimes of various types and classifications (Igbo, 2007).
Ikuteyijo and Rotimi (2012) had argued that in the face of police
inability to contain rising crime waves in Nigeria, citizens resorted to
the use of ethnic militia groups for their security and protection. For
example, findings from a survey carried out by CLEEN Foundation in
Nigeria between 2005 and 2008 showed that non-formal security organs
were the preferred choice of citizens in respect of crime protection
(Okenyodo, 2011). Ekhomu (2005) argues that there is no
government that has the ability and know-how to provide adequate
security for the citizens, even in so called developed countries of the
West, hence the need for private security companies (PSCs) to complement
the efforts of the state in crime control and prevention. Van Steden and
Sarre (2011) argue that in the past two decades, private security
companies have had global relevance and acceptance and have radically
increased across nations of the world.
Extant literature on private security focused mainly on private military
companies’ (those that carry arms in domestic and international
operations) (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2007; Small, 2006); neighbourhood watch
associations (Fabiyi, 2007); ethnic militia groups (Smith, 2004;
Harnischfeger, 2003); and vigilante groups (Olaniyi, 2005). Others who
have discussed private security companies paid much attention on their
evolution, role and contribution to crime prevention (Inyang & Abraham,
2014; Omotosho & Aderinto, 2012). But none of the extant literature
looked at the challenges of private security companies in Nigeria. This
lacuna formed the basis for this study.